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<title>Ročník 2015</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96228" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle>Volume 2015</subtitle>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/96228</id>
<updated>2026-04-05T11:37:09Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-05T11:37:09Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>The Establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion Relations, 1904–1911</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97145" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97145</id>
<updated>2024-08-09T11:09:29Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">The Establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion Relations, 1904–1911; 
; ; This contribution is focused on the analysis of the establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion relations from 1904 to 1911. The formation of the first dominions by linking the until-then Self-governing Colonies together raised the question of what the position of the new Dominions to their mother country and the other parts of the Empire was. Before the outbreak of the First World War, matters related to the Dominion status were discussed at several Colonial, from 1907 Imperial Conferences; however, neither British nor Dominion politicians managed to reach an agreement or a complex solution. In fact, only partial solutions were adopted. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the British Government began to pursue defence matters intensively. A lot of foreign-policy issues, and in particular fear of German naval armaments, had a profound influence on the debate; indeed, this was the case to the extent that the significance of the second influential imperial institution, i.e. the Imperial Defence Committee, rose. Even though the system of imperial conferences, that served as a forum where crucial questions dealing with imperial, foreign, defence and economic policies were decided, was institutionalised and firmly “anchored” in the imperial structure, it had to compete with the powerful Imperial Defence Committee.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>SOPHIE COE — MICHAEL COE, THE TRUE HISTORY OF CHOCOLATE,LONDON: THAMES &amp; HUDSON LTD., 2013, ISBN 978-0-500-29068-2, 280 P.</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97152" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97152</id>
<updated>2024-08-09T11:08:07Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">SOPHIE COE — MICHAEL COE, THE TRUE HISTORY OF CHOCOLATE,LONDON: THAMES &amp; HUDSON LTD., 2013, ISBN 978-0-500-29068-2, 280 P.; 
; ; 
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>A Piece of Late Modern Age History of Hungary through the Rombauer Family Tree</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97131" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97131</id>
<updated>2024-08-09T11:08:07Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">A Piece of Late Modern Age History of Hungary through the Rombauer Family Tree; 
; ; A closed community of Lutheran Germans in the city of Lőcse (Levoča) and a family lived for centuries in this city showed three generations in the 19th century got far from their home but kept their values. A painter, a manufacturer and a teacher in different eras and environments in Hungary with the same ethic: hard work and thrift. Both originated from Lőcse: János Rombauer, the painter got to Saint Petersburg as a royal painter of Czar Alexander I and returned later to Eperjes (Prešov). Tivadar Rombauer moved close to Munkács (Мукачеве) and later to Ózd as a founder of the most famous iron foundry. Later because of his role in the Revolution he had to flee to America where he established a new life for the emergence of a new family line of his descendants. Emil got to Brassó (Brașov) where he had to cope with Saxons as a Hungarian and later to Budapest where he had to cope with the bureaucracy as a teacher and director. In both three life spans we can easily discover the essence of those values derived from their ancestors and can be characterized with the spirit of capitalism and Protestant ethic.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>On the Way to Liberalization: Policy of the Ceaușescu’s Regime towards the Hungarian Minority in Romania 1965–1968</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97082" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11956/97082</id>
<updated>2024-08-09T11:09:29Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">On the Way to Liberalization: Policy of the Ceaușescu’s Regime towards the Hungarian Minority in Romania 1965–1968; 
; ; During the years 1965–1968 Nicolae Ceaușescu came to the partial liberalization of the communist regime in Romania, in order to find a clear position both in domestic and in foreign policy. This fact regarded also the minority policy, which had never been very tolerant since the very beginning of the communist rule. But at least partial steps were undertaken by the RCP leadership in order to win the support of the Hungarian population in Transylvania. The administrative reform in 1968 brought the creation of two new counties with the majority Hungarian population. The meeting of the Romanian leadership with the Hungarian elites, as well as the more frequent visits of Ceaușescu and other party representatives in Transylvania foreshadowed his increasing interest in dealing more intensively with the minority issue. The establishment of the Councils of Workers of Hungarian nationality brought the discussion at least temporary onto the top level of the RCP hierarchy.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
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